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Selasa, 04 September 2012

Huawei's Cavernous Cyber Security Credibility Gap

Approximately one month before Huawei officials (along with ZTE officials) are supposed to testify before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (October 2012), the company's Global Cyber Security Officer and SVP John Suffolk released a white paper entitled "Cyber Security Perspectives: 21st Century Technology and Security - a Difficult Marriage".

I've been monitoring Huawei for several years and have given dozens of briefings on the security risks associated with the company, its management and its products. I've had several Huawei employees contact me privately about issues within the company and I've spoken to at least one of their senior executives last year about my concerns. I just finished reading Mr. Suffolk's white paper, which Andy Purdy, former Director of DHS National Cyber Security Division and now Huawei's Chief Security Officer, helped write. While it covered all of the usual bases regarding Huawei's commitment to security (I'm not going to recap these - read the paper if you must know), it addressed none of the issues that underscore the opinion of myself and others that Huawei is a security threat, such as:
  • Madam Sun Yafang's past employment with China's Ministry of State Security and how she helped the young company secure loans form the Chinese government.
  • Claims that Huawei benefited from Nortel's IP in 2004 including duplicating its instruction manuals.
  • Claims that Huawei stole source code from Cisco and its settlement of those claims in 2004.
  • Lack of full disclosure regarding Huawei's obligations to the Chinese government as a national champion firm and a provider of services and products to the State including the Peoples Liberation Army. 
  • Lack of full disclosure regarding how many of its executives are members of the powerful Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and therefore bound to comply with directives from the CCP. After all, the CCP plays a dominant role in China's economy.
If Huawei's white paper is an example of how Huawei intends to address the concerns of the House Intelligence Committee, it's not nearly enough - even with Andy Purdy's help.

UPDATE (06SEP12): According to Reuters, Huawei is negotiating terms for its testimony before the House Intelligence committee. The fact that they have to "negotiate terms" says a lot to me about how valid the scope and validity of the concerns that I mentioned above are, not to mention the ones that Huawei doesn't want to have discovered.
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Kamis, 26 April 2012

What We Learned From The CEIEC Hack


CEC Third Party Congress March 2012
After hacktivist "Hardcore Charlie" announced on Twitter  that he had breached the email of a "Chinese military contractor" firm on April 1, 2012, we downloaded all of the archives for further analysis. While all of the documents appear genuine, it's doubtful that they're all from the CEIEC breach. The Philippines diplomatic documents and the files from the U.S. Army Transportion Corps are completely out of context with the rest of the CEIEC files nor is there any apparent reason for CEIEC to be interested in their content.  However, the balance of the documents are genuine and reveal new facts about CEIEC, it's relationship with NORINCO and their mutual interest in Burma's copper mine which NORINCO secretly bought from Ivanhoe of Canada through its subsidiary Wanbao.

The copper mining operation in Monywa, Burma was acquired from Canadian firm Ivanhoe by NORINCO subsidiary Wanbao. Wanbao has purchased Caterpillar earth-moving equipment for use in that copper mine in Burma. which would put NORINCO in violation of the U.S. Export Administration Act. The copper cathode is not going exclusively to the PLA (the Japanese firm Marubeni has bought some) but having this mine under Chinese control seems like a great way to guarantee copper cathode supplies to Chinese military manufacturing for the next three decades or more, which is how long this mine might last.  It is Burma's only copper mine.  Copper cathode is important in all sorts of military manufacturing including motors and ordnance.

There are over 800 documents with the pathnames NORINCOMYANMAR and MICCL_NORINCO concerning Wanbao Holdings, a Beijing conglomorate, and their apparent 100% interest in a large mine at Monywa, Burma (400 kilometers east of Chittagong and about 700 km NNW of Yangon/Rangoon).  Documents show that Wanbao purchased all of Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper Company Ltd, aka: MICCL, in 2010 or 2011 (see http://www.ivanhoemines.com/s/The_Facts.asp and http://www.ivanhoemines.com/i/pdf/IVN_response_to_Mizzima_and_CFOB.pdf).  Wanbao maintains subsidiary offices in Hong Kong and Yangon, including Myanmar Yangtse Copper Ltd, which has five expatriate Chinese employees in Burma (Chinese Pay January 2012.pdf).  The documents show that the Monywa mine is under development and has extracted some copper ore, though in August 2011 they were plagued by a shortage of industrial explosive peripherals: the Burmese army had supplied enough ammonium nitrate explosive but not the necessary additional peripherals to safely detonate it.  See 008.doc Introduction to Wanbao; 11-10-Oct 11/Financial...).  The project is large and potentially lucrative: it has a capitalization of US$997m and a potential value $3.41b to $9.96b, according to their auditor Deloitte (See 万宝缅甸铜矿...0817-for negotiationpurpose2.pdf, p. 4)

Full extraction operations at Monywa are scheduled for 2013, and some production began this year (11-April.xls and 7 月份产量.pdf shows copper production details).  There may have been six expatriate employees there at one time but now there are three: a Canadian operations manager, Glenn Richard Wallis of Oakville, ONT(profile is available on LinkedIn.com; he was on a six month expat contract beginning 2 June 11) and an engineer named Antonio Di Somma of Naples, Italy (see Antonio Di Somma Curriculum Vitae.doc; no web profile found).  There is also a General Manager, Glenn Ford (no profile found) who may also be based at Monywa or may be in Yangon.  He is the company's contact with the Burmese military.

The huge but unsurprising gap in income between local people and the foreign managers:  US$60-80 a month for a local laborer versus an after tax income of US$8,000 a month for Mssrs. Di Somma and Wallis and $17,500 a month for Mr. Ford (see 17 Income Tax of Contractors...; 18 Income Tax of Laborers for Sep 2011...; Glenn R Wallis Contract.pdf; 07 Executives' Pay...; copper tt Glenn Ford 17500.tif).

Two documents show the purchase by NORINCO in August 2011 of a Catepillar model 834 wheel dozer for $750,000 from Westrac Hong Kong, Ltd, CIF to Tianjin, China, and other equipment worth over US$5m sold from NORINCO to Wanbao.  If NORINCO planned to transfer the equipment to Burma, as might be expected under the circumstances, it would be a violation by NORINCO and possibly by Westrac of the US Export Administration Act, due to the US embargo against Burma effective at the time.  See "copper to china north vehicle 5013400.tif;".

There's been a corruption scandal around this mine, Ivanhoe, and NORINCO which just came to light last month thanks to files from Wikileaks.

CEIEC is the trading arm of CEC, the China Electronics Corporation.  CEC is under the dual leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the State Council, as are so many large companies in the post 1989 restructuring of the Party.  NORINCO is under a separate military subordination (see table).  The two of them do business with each other in a modern profit driven manner, as we see in all those leaked CEIEC documents reflecting huge payments between CEIEC, NORINCO, Wanbao, etc.  In spite of its capitalist aura, today's system retains some parallels to the old system under Mao, where the civilian industrial ministries responded to military production requirements levied through the old State Planning Commission.  Then, it was socialist planning under the Party.  Now, it's profits and national security planning under the Party.




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